White House officials were irritated as they saw it as an effort to undermine their criminal justice reform efforts. They later said publicly that there was no evidence to back up Mr. Comey's claim about the rise in violence. On Thursday, the president met with Mr. Comey in the Oval Office to discuss his views. The White House declined to describe the conversation.
Recently in Policing Category
Part of being clear-eyed about reality requires all of us to stare--and stare hard--at what is happening in this country this year. And to ask ourselves what's going on.
Because something deeply disturbing is happening all across America.
I have spoken of 2014 in this speech because something has changed in 2015. Far more people are being killed in America's cities this year than in many years. And let's be clear: far more people of color are being killed in America's cities this year.
And it's not the cops doing the killing.
What to make of this?
To identify trends among fatal shootings by police, The Post studied whether the individuals killed were unarmed or armed with weapons and reviewed the actions they took in the immediate moments before police shot them. The Post has compiled a database of all fatal shootings nationwide by officers in the line of duty in 2015.Why doesn't everyone already know that?
[The story describes the case of bank robber Steven Snyder and Trooper Trevor Casper, who shot and killed each other, Snyder firing first.]
But only a small number of the shootings -- roughly 5 percent -- occurred under the kind of circumstances that raise doubt and draw public outcry, according to an analysis by The Washington Post. The vast majority of individuals shot and killed by police officers were, like Snyder, armed with guns and killed after attacking police officers or civilians or making other direct threats.
Jim Pasco, executive director of the national Fraternal Order of Police, said The Post's findings confirm what police officers already know.
Jeremy Gormer and Annie Sweeney have this article in the Chicago Tribune titled "A tale of 3 cities: LA and NYC outpace Chicago in curbing violence," showing the correlation between immersive policing strategies employed in New York City and Los Angeles -- both past and present -- and the reduction in violence the two cities have experienced and maintained despite national crime spikes. While each city's criminal problems are uniquely their own and different tactics are utilized by their respective police departments to address those problems, one commonality is glaringly obvious among them all: An involved, hands-on police presence in the community equates to less violence. John Jay College of Criminal Justice professor David Kennedy confirms this:
Everything we know about procedural justice and legitimacy says that when communities -- including offenders and potential offenders -- respect the police more and trust the police more, violent crimes go down.
As long as we are talking dollars, we must not forget the economic costs of crime. Crime causes people to spend time, effort, and money on unproductive self-defense measures that could be spent more productively. Crime causes people to abandon or sell cheaply real estate that could be much more valuable. Crime is a drag on the economy, like driving with one foot resting on the brake pedal while the other pushes the accelerator.
Stockton, California is a chronically depressed city. Its government is just emerging from bankruptcy, and Forbes infamously branded it America's most miserable city a few years back. Yet this weekend a developer actually got a group of people to come out from San Francisco, interested in possibly relocating to a building he is renovating downtown. For those unfamiliar with intra-California regional attitudes, let me assure you that to get anyone in San Francisco interested in Stockton is huge.
A few hours later the developer was found dead in a downtown Stockton street, apparently murdered. Joe Goldeen has this story in the Stockton Record. What do the potential buyers think now?
After two decades of the most remarkable crime drop in U.S. history, law enforcement has come to this: "I'm deliberately not getting involved in things I would have in the 1990s and 2000s," an emergency-services officer in New York City tells me. "I won't get out of my car for a reasonable-suspicion stop; I will if there's a violent felony committed in my presence."
A virulent antipolice campaign over the past year--initially fueled by a since-discredited narrative about a police shooting in Ferguson, Mo.--has made police officers reluctant to do their jobs. The Black Lives Matter movement proclaims that the police are a lethal threat to blacks and that the criminal-justice system is pervaded by racial bias. The media amplify that message on an almost daily basis. Officers now worry about becoming the latest racist cop of the week, losing their job or being indicted if a good-faith encounter with a suspect goes awry or is merely distorted by an incomplete cellphone video.
With police so discouraged, violent crime has surged in at least 35 American cities this year. The alarming murder increase prompted an emergency meeting of the Major Cities Chiefs Association last month. Homicides were up 76% in Milwaukee, 60% in St. Louis, and 56% in Baltimore through mid-August, compared with the same period in 2014; murder was up 47% in Minneapolis and 36% in Houston through mid-July.
Police say a woman who was driving more than 30 mph over the speed limit pleaded with an officer to let her off with a warning.
When she was handed the ticket, she said: "No wonder you people get shot."
Police say 62-year-old Joy Feinberg, of Boynton Beach, was cited for speeding in a school zone Sept. 1. The Palm Beach Sheriff's Office released video of the traffic stop.
The $606 traffic citation says Feinberg was driving 51 mph in a 20 mph zone. She repeatedly asked for leniency, but the officer said he couldn't overlook speeding near a school.
[C]onservatives have taken a harsh line on Black Lives Matter, a movement that includes calls for overhauling law enforcement and justice policies. Led by Fox News, conservatives have accused the protest movement, without basis, of inciting violence against police officers. Trump accused Black Lives Matter this week of "looking for trouble" and suggested they were being "catered to" by Democrats.
The rhetoric has spread beyond Trump, which is of particular concern to criminal justice reform advocates. A few high-profile police deaths have prompted candidates like Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) and Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker (R) to blame the Obama administration for, as Walker put it, "a tendency to use law enforcement as a scapegoat." New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie (R) has called for the return of stop and frisk, vowed to crack down on marijuana legalization, and blamed "liberal-leaning mayors and cities" and their "lax criminal justice policies" for the stabbing death of a former intern in Washington, D.C.
"There are two things that are troubling," said Inimai Chettiar, director of Justice at the Brennan Center. "One, that people are saying that there is a crime wave now and they're implying that crime is going to be going up as a permanent trajectory -- which is wrong -- and that second people are blaming criminal justice policies and particularly policing policies for this."...
Where to start?
The great lie of the summer has been the Black Lives Matter movement. It was founded on one falsehood--that a Ferguson, Mo., police officer shot a black suspect who was trying to surrender--and it is perpetuated by another: that trigger-happy cops are filling our morgues with young black men.
The reality is that Michael Brown is dead because he robbed a convenience store, assaulted a uniformed officer and then made a move for the officer's gun. The reality is that a cop is six times more likely to be killed by someone black than the reverse. The reality is that the Michael Browns are a much bigger threat to black lives than are the police. "Every year, the casualty count of black-on-black crime is twice that of the death toll of 9/11," wrote former New York City police detective Edward Conlon in a Journal essay on Saturday. "I don't understand how a movement called 'Black Lives Matter' can ignore the leading cause of death among young black men in the U.S., which is homicide by their peers."
Former Police Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly said last week that Mayor Bill de Blasio's constraints on the stop-and-frisk strategy of the Bloomberg administration was to blame for the uptick in murders in New York City. Mr. Kelly also attributed the rise in homicides in other cities to a backlash to the killing last year of an unarmed black teenager by a white police officer in Ferguson, Mo.
"Murders are up," he said in an interview in conjunction with the release of his memoir. "And if you have a propensity to carry a gun and there's a policy to de-emphasize stop and question and frisk, it's only common sense you'll see more people carrying guns and more crime."
Now all we have to do is wait for the Leftists who populate legal academia to tell us how much more they know about it than the former police commissioner. Not to worry, though -- I'll bet a goodly sum we won't have to wait long.
Dozens of protestors shouting "black lives matter" interrupted D.C. Mayor Muriel E. Bowser's address late Thursday morning on how to stem the rising number of homicides in the city.
Bowser (D) planned to announce a wide-ranging, $15 million plan to boost both community programs and police presence in response to a 36 percent spike in killings this year. But protesters linked to a nationwide movement that has mobilized over allegations of police misconduct erupted at her first mention of putting more officers on the streets.
For the better part of two decades, Columbia University law professor Bernard Harcourt has been on a personal crusade against Broken Windows policing, criticizing both its theoretical underpinnings and its policy applications. A close look at Harcourt's work, however, reveals not only the weaknesses of his arguments but also his lack of attention to other research findings that conflict with his own. His portrayal of Broken Windows policing, it turns out, is fundamentally inaccurate and incomplete. In effect, Harcourt creates and then fights a paper tiger.The misrepresentation of Broken Windows policing as "zero tolerance" policing, encouraging arrests for minor offenses, is an important element of the campaign against it. When you can't win with the truth, you have to make stuff up.
By way of background, Broken Windows is a policing tactic that emphasizes the police management of minor offenses. The authors of the Broken Windows hypothesis--George L. Kelling and the late James Q. Wilson--always maintained that Broken Windows policing should encourage proper discretion on the part of officers. Kelling in particular has discussed the importance of discretion when it comes to maintaining order, as in a recent article in Politico, where he indicates that arrest should be the last option when managing minor offenses.